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Complex predicates in Japanese : a syntactic and semantic study of the notion 'word'
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The situation is a bit different when a ka -disjunction with CP disjuncts are embedded under the copula da. This is shown in the following example:. The coordinator matawa is possible in this environment, and is interpreted as a declarative disjunction. Although this special behavior of the copula da will be taken up again in later sections, the analysis proposed in this paper will focus on cases where da is absent , and the extension of the analysis to the cases where da is present will have to be left for future studies.
The three phonologically explicit markers are in fact morphologically complex. Both soretomo and soreka consist of the third person inanimate pronoun sore and one or more additional particles.
A unified semantics for the Japanese Q-particle ka in indefinites, questions and disjunctions
The other marker matawa is possibly a combination of the conjunctive marker mata and the topic marker wa. However, here I will not try to derive the semantic functions and syntactic distributions of these particles from their morphological parts since finding out the correct morphological analysis of these items is beyond the scope of the current paper. This being said, soreka has a plausible morphological analysis that explains its syntactic distribution: soreka can be analyzed as an additional redundant ka -disjunct involving a pronoun referring back to the first disjunct.
In the following, I will treat ka -disjunctions with soreka as a sub-case of ka -disjunctions with the null coordinator. Our proposal employs two-tier alternative semantics Rooth for in-situ wh -questions Beck ; Kotek The gist of the analysis is the following: ka introduces a set of alternatives in its ordinary-semantic value, but only specific predicates—which I will call set-compatible predicates —semantically combine with such a set.
This is what happens when ka is introduced below CPs. A predicate or operator embedding a ka -phrase below the CP level are always set-incompatible except for the disjunctive coordinators. Below, I illustrate this system using a simple fragment that captures the basic data discussed in the previous section. In the two-tier alternative-semantic analysis of in-situ wh -questions developed by Beck and Kotek , lexical items have ordinary and alternative-semantic values hereafter o-values and alt-values. A wh -item like dare has an undefined o-value while it introduces a set of alternatives in the alt-value.
Except for ka , which has a syncategorematic definition, semantic values are composed according to either one of the following two rules, depending on whether it is an o-value or an alt-value:. Given this setup adopted from Beck and Kotek , 6 we can already account for the interpretation of the wh -question in 5b. Below is a simplified LF tree for 5b with annotation of the two kinds of semantic values for each node. What is crucial above is that the alternatives introduced by dare is passed up via an application of PWFA in the alternative-semantic dimension, until the top-level ka returns it as the o-value Beck As a result, the sentence receives the standard proposition-set denotation for wh -questions Hamblin ; Karttunen as its o-value.
The singleton-set denotation for YNQs as exemplified above is different from the more standard bipolar denotation Hamblin ; Karttunen , which would be the following two-membered set in the case of In many of these analyses, the singleton denotation is mapped to the corresponding bipolar denotation by an extra operation in order to capture the fact that polar questions license negative responses.
In this paper, I formulate the mapping using the following type-shifting operator, similar to the polar-question operator in Hamblin 50 and the non-informative closure in Ciardelli et al. An issue that comes with positing an operator like 37 is that its application has to be somehow constrained to avoid unwanted consequences of its application to wh -questions.
HIDEMATSU MIURA: Focus-driven Semantic Reflexivity in Japanese 89
Thus, we need a way to constrain the application of 37 so that it does not apply to wh -questions. As a solution to this problem, I argue that the application of the type-shifting operation in 37 is possible only in cases where the LF without the operator would result in uninterpretability. That is, I posit the following constraint:. This account assumes that a ka -ending non- wh clause without the?
If we mark uninterpretability with , the situation can be exemplified below:. Why, then, is there such a contrast between polar questions and wh -questions? Intuitively, it is because 41a without the? The requirement for multiple alternatives in an interrogative clause is implemented in the denotation of the interrogative complementizer as a presupposition, as in 42 :. Given that the interrogative complementizer requires multiple alternatives, 41a without the? This situation is avoided by the insertion of the? On the other hand, 41b without the?
A ka -ending non-wh-clause is uninterpretable also as a declarative clause since the declarative complementizer selects for a proposition, as given below:. Since type-mismatch results in uninterpretability, 41a without? The type-shifter would convert a singleton set of a proposition into the unique proposition in the singleton set. Although it might appear that the presence of this type-shifter would make a ka -ending non- wh -clause compatible with C decl in the structure exemplified in 44a , such a structure would be blocked by a simple declarative clause without ka , as in 44b , which would have an equivalent interpretation.
Let us now turn to how we derive the existential statement in 5a. The first thing to note is that, without any additional mechanisms, the semantic composition does not go through due to type-mismatch. This can be seen in the following uninterpretable LF tree. Here, the operation of existential closure that I mentioned above comes into play. Specifically, I propose that there is a following operator that turns a set in the o-value dimension into the corresponding existential quantifier. This operator can be applied to dare-ka in As a result, we derive the existential statement as in the following LF:.
Thus, we can capture the fact that 5a is an existential statement rather than a wh -question. The same mechanism applies to other cases where a set-incompatible predicate combines with a ka -phrase. This problem can be straightforwardly solved once we assume that the constraint on the application of? Hence, the sentence lacks an interpretation as the existential statement.
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This analysis also extends to cases where 5b is embedded under question-embedding predicates since there would be no type-mismatch between question-embedding predicates and 5b. I analyze all question-embedding predicates as a set-compatible predicate, i. Thus, the set of propositions in the o-value and the alt-value of an interrogative CP can be combined with the question-embedding predicate via FA and PWFA. Thus, the constraint in 48 seems to account for the lack of existential interpretation for ka -ending wh -clauses in both matrix and embedded contexts. Empirically, ka -ending wh -clauses are ungrammatical under these predicates, as exemplified below:.
Therefore, the constraint in 48 cannot account for all of the relevant data.